![[personal profile]](https://www.dreamwidth.org/img/silk/identity/user.png){kind=small}
A rather interesting, yet somewhat controversial look at the Zishu nu of the Canton Delta. Zishu nu were girls/women who instead of marrying took vows to stay unmarried and worked to support their families. This book was written, partially in objection to the conclusions drawn in Janice Stockard's book, Daughters of the Canton Delta. Ye argues that the Zishu nu are actually a part of traditional Chinese culture, they are just representing a different part of the woman's allegiance to her family.
However, what she fails to address, is the fact that identification with her natal family rather than with her in-laws is a huge step away from traditional Chinese culture. (As the majority of researchers seem to suggest) and that this is the difference that is so remarked upon. It is of course interseting to see that a modern Chinese scholar finds no difference between the two.
She then goes on to explain the importance of daughters within the Chinese clan, this is quite interesting and a totally different view than is presented in most English language works on the subject. However, looking at the ancestral halls, she does not mention that a woman's traditional place is with her husband's family and not her own. She does however identify that it is only due to strong need that a daughter can remain at home rather than marry
However, there is a great deal of research and interesting information to be found in this article. Ye writes that the people in this region, frequently the poorer people did not divide up the family but lived together in larger groups. Also she writes how it was usually the eldest daughter in the family that became the Zishu nu. And as such uses this information as the economic basis for her argument.
Ye also discusses some very important ways in which women in the Guangdong region varied from the "traditional" norms,
It is the economic reasons that support the woman becoming a zishu nu, which if I remember correctly was also the conclusion in Stockard's book. The fact that girls were encouraged to work outside the home, that they could earn as much as 3 members of their family at home as maids, and that dowaries were expensive, all contributed to enable these women to become zishu nu. However, Ye then goes beyond this argument to look at why the women would need to become sworn spinsters, rather than just delaying marriage.
She looks at the importance of the "cult of virginity", and how by preserving their virginity these women were also preserving their families honour.
There is also a conflict in whose descision it is to become a zishi nu. Most strikingly in an interview the woman states clearly, "when I was still a child, my father declared to everybody: 'my daughter will never marry all her life", however, in the next paragraph Ye states the women, "make an informed choice about becoming a zishu nü themselves". She does later give examples, of a girl who has left home to live with an aunt who is a zishu nu, who gives her a day to decide whether she is going to marry or become a zishu nu as well. (Of course the practicality of the girl marrying is not given discussion and also makes me question the fact that as she was a girl who was sent away to work, would she already be presumed to become a zishi nu?). The fact that it is the girl's descision, also goes against the earlier statement that it was always the elder daughters who become zishi nu. This question of choice is clearly an area that needs further investigation.
On the whole this was an very interesting article about a fascinating subject. It was refreshing to read some up to date research on the topic, and to have the perspective of a modern Chinese researcher. She makes a strong economic case for the reasons why these women would become zishu nu, and does an excellent job of describing the family situations.
The full text of this article can be accessed here:
http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue17/ye.htm#n1
first, the zishu nü custom is derived from the dominant traditional Chinese mainstream culture; and second, a zishu nü identifies herself as a daughter to her clan, elevating daughterhood rather than marriage to her primary role in family and society. The first point is crucial: the zishu nü custom is not an aberration or an example of cultural deviance; it can be understood as part of the traditional Chinese mainstream cultural system. There is no conflict between the lifestyle of this group of women and the paternal world of traditional Chinese society.
However, what she fails to address, is the fact that identification with her natal family rather than with her in-laws is a huge step away from traditional Chinese culture. (As the majority of researchers seem to suggest) and that this is the difference that is so remarked upon. It is of course interseting to see that a modern Chinese scholar finds no difference between the two.
She then goes on to explain the importance of daughters within the Chinese clan, this is quite interesting and a totally different view than is presented in most English language works on the subject. However, looking at the ancestral halls, she does not mention that a woman's traditional place is with her husband's family and not her own. She does however identify that it is only due to strong need that a daughter can remain at home rather than marry
However, if there was a strong need within her family, she was supposed to remain in the role of daughter, and as a consequence there emerged a group known as 'chaste women' (zhen nü 贞女) who served their parents for their entire lives and never married. Zishu nü are best regarded as a sub-group of these 'chaste women' in the local historical record.
However, there is a great deal of research and interesting information to be found in this article. Ye writes that the people in this region, frequently the poorer people did not divide up the family but lived together in larger groups. Also she writes how it was usually the eldest daughter in the family that became the Zishu nu. And as such uses this information as the economic basis for her argument.
Firstly, most of them lived in a large joint household, which was typical in traditional Chinese clans. These girls' grandparents were the first generation and still alive when the girl was in her childhood. At this time, grandparents did not control the management of the daily running of the whole family. The main source of labour in the family was the second generation, which consisted of the girl's parents, uncles and aunties. However, as more and more children were born into the third generation of the family, the whole structure became a burden on the second generation. For most of the poor families, this economic burden became impossible for the second generation to take on alone, so some of the third generation were brought in to be providers rather than consumers. Consequently, the eldest daughter often had to take on some responsibility for the family business and household chores, because she was the first person in her generation whose labour could be used by the family. That is why most of the girls who became zishu nü were the oldest child in their generation.
Ye also discusses some very important ways in which women in the Guangdong region varied from the "traditional" norms,
The women of a family, were, according to local Guangdong custom, supposed to join in 'outside' work to support the family in the same way as men, instead of dealing with only the inner aspects of family life.
It is the economic reasons that support the woman becoming a zishu nu, which if I remember correctly was also the conclusion in Stockard's book. The fact that girls were encouraged to work outside the home, that they could earn as much as 3 members of their family at home as maids, and that dowaries were expensive, all contributed to enable these women to become zishu nu. However, Ye then goes beyond this argument to look at why the women would need to become sworn spinsters, rather than just delaying marriage.
She looks at the importance of the "cult of virginity", and how by preserving their virginity these women were also preserving their families honour.
Thus, virginity was a major source of female status and influence and a significant part of their education and obligation to maintain the good name of their family and clan.She goes on to add that keeping her virginity was the only way a woman from a poor family could value herself. (This however did not seem to match up with the statements from the women who were Zishi nu who stated that they felt value for the work they were able to do and the money they were able to give to support their family).
There is also a conflict in whose descision it is to become a zishi nu. Most strikingly in an interview the woman states clearly, "when I was still a child, my father declared to everybody: 'my daughter will never marry all her life", however, in the next paragraph Ye states the women, "make an informed choice about becoming a zishu nü themselves". She does later give examples, of a girl who has left home to live with an aunt who is a zishu nu, who gives her a day to decide whether she is going to marry or become a zishu nu as well. (Of course the practicality of the girl marrying is not given discussion and also makes me question the fact that as she was a girl who was sent away to work, would she already be presumed to become a zishi nu?). The fact that it is the girl's descision, also goes against the earlier statement that it was always the elder daughters who become zishi nu. This question of choice is clearly an area that needs further investigation.
On the whole this was an very interesting article about a fascinating subject. It was refreshing to read some up to date research on the topic, and to have the perspective of a modern Chinese researcher. She makes a strong economic case for the reasons why these women would become zishu nu, and does an excellent job of describing the family situations.
The full text of this article can be accessed here:
http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue17/ye.htm#n1